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1、holars taking on questions of philosophical and religious importance, trying to understand the fundamental laws of nature and society with the aim of improving people and their world. Science was defended for its intrinsic value and reflection of human intellect and spirit of inquiry, one justificat
2、ion that is still used. Scientists were largely self-funded, independent of government support. Governments quickly came to see advantages in scientific advances and allied themselves with investigations that seemed influential and/or likely to result in tangible advantages of improvements in war ma
3、king, political control, or market domination. “From the eighteenth century, most scientists believed not only that knowledge would increase through the support of political power, but that political power itself is tied to contributions from science” (Salomon 1987). The Enlightenment fostered a clo
4、se relationship between science and government, with the belief that progress in science would ensure the progress of humanity. This relationship continues today. States have become nearly everywhere the main patrons of basic research - particularly where private benefits are low and public benefits
5、 are high. States, further, have exercised considerable control over detailed public allocations for science; defined topical research boundaries; steered private investment in science, to some extent or another; and regulated degrees of scientific interdependence with the outside world. States have
6、 relied on science and technology to secure their political, economic, and strategic viability (Solingen 1994). In Europe, the science-government alliance was established well before the twentieth century, but in the United States laissez-faire, extending the theme of the free market, was an article
7、 of faith. Even in the latter half of the twentieth century, science-government institutions in each location differed in three important ways: (1) U.S. bodies such as the Department of Energys Office of Science and Technology Policy are informational and advisory only, while European institutions r
8、esponsible for science policy have funds for launching research programs; (2) the members of advisory committees in Europe are much more likely to include social scientists than are committees in the United States, reflecting a broader view of what constitutes science in Europe; and (3) the U.S. age
9、nda focuses on national security problems and military research, while the European agenda focuses on civilian interests such as education, basic research, and industrial matters. Since World War II, science policy and the principal justifications for public sponsorship of science in the United Stat
10、es have reflected a utilitarian definition of science, as articulated by Vannevar Bush (1945) in his enormously influential report, Science, the Endless Frontier. The first justification has been that science is important to national defense: excellent science before and during the war directly led
11、to the weapon that won the war, and excellent science will keep the country in the forefront of military technology. The second justification has been that science plays a critical role in national economic growth and competitiveness: basic scientific research provides the fuel for U.S. industry to
12、continue to grow and dominate world markets through innovation. The original view of science as an intrinsically valuable activity and of scientists as independent intellectuals did not disappear. Vannevar Bush affirmed the need for scientific independence by Ch 2 Science Policy 06.10.02.doc 3 06.08
13、.02 writing, “Support of basic research in the public and private colleges, universities, and research institutes must leave the internal control of policy, personnel, and the method and scope of the research to the institutions themselves. This is of the utmost importance.” The formulation of scien
14、ce that has dominated U.S. policy since World War II has been increasingly challenged by changes in the nature of science, post-Cold War globalization, the patterns of funding for research and development, and the conceptualizations of science and society held by both academics and the public. The g
15、rowth rate of support for research and development (R the two are thought of as a continuum. Michael Porter (1991) believes that part of governments role in stimulating innovation is to invest in basic research as well as in educational systems and infrastructure, although he clearly states that suc
16、h investment must be consciously advanced and specialized. 3 Scientists themselves typically understand advances in understanding to be important only retrospectively, by validating published findings and working out the implications of a “discovery.” 4 Never mind that many inventors have only a haz
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